Seeing what I do in discussions among folks regarding Civil War era studies, there can be extreme views regarding slavery.
Some lean hard in one direction, talking about how the cruelties of slavery were all fabrications, or very rare.
Some lean hard in another direction and talk about the cruelties of slavery, and that, no matter the case, they could be found in every instance with slaveholding.
I find both positions very curious, and, to be frank… such views either reflect ignorance, or an inability to see beyond something personal within themselves, that serves as the drive to tell a very unbending/static history. Examples of both cruelty and kindness, on the part of slaveholders, are certainly there, in history, but that’s not to say that one is more truthful than the other. Both are part of the story of slavery.
There are also various things that challenge one side or the other… historic details can be stubborn things, I suppose.
How, for example, could it be possible that a former slave… after having been freed… would ever wish to testify on behalf of a former owner?
Even more curious for some is the fact that the former slaveholder could have been a Unionist. How is it possible that one could be a Unionist AND a slaveholder? This is something that isn’t new to me, as I’ve mentioned this sort of thing in other posts, as in the situation with Otto Nesbitt, of Clear Spring, Maryland.
Recently, while digging through Southern Claims Commission applications, I encountered yet another situation where we not only have a Unionist owning a slave, but also where the former slave spoke out, on behalf of his former owner’s loyalty to the Union.
Other than what appears in the testimony, I don’t know a great deal about Henry Mitchell. Based on his age at the time of his deposition, he would have been 13 years old when the war opened, and 17 by the time it ended.
So, here we have… Henry Mitchell… testifying on behalf of his former owner, seven years after the conclusion of the war and the 13th Amendment…
Henry Mitchell, colored, witness to prove loyalty of the heirs of William Crow, deceased, being duly sworn by the Commissioners, deposes and says: (direct examination being waived).
I am about 24 years old and during the war lived with and was owned by William Crow, deceased. I knew Mary A. Crow & Albina S. Coyle. They were daughters of Wm. Crow. He has no other children. I saw them every day during the war. I heard them talk about the war and its causes, and they were strong for the Union and against the Rebellion. William Crow, deceased, was a strong Union man, and his family was the same. I knew Mary A. Crow and Albina S. Coyle to send things to the hospitals when the U.S. troops were encamped near. They fed both parties when the soldiers came along. I do not know anything they did which would have prevented them from establishing their loyalty to the Confederate government if that cause had succeeded.
The witness was here examined by the Commissioner, as to the taking of property, direct examination being waived.
I saw Item No. 1 – two horses – Item No. 4, eight hundred pounds of Pork – and item No. 5 – seventeen hundred pounds of Tobacco – taken from William Crow. The two horses charged as item No. 1, were taken at Harpers Ferry by Gen. Patterson’s army in the first year of the war. Mr. Crow’s team, with two horses, was sent to Harpers Ferry to remove a widow lady & while in the town the horses and harness were taken by the troops. Mr. Crow went to Harpers Ferry to get his horses back, but failed. One was a bay horse, seven or eight years old, and was worth $250. The other was a Roan mare, six years old, and was worth $250. The harness were wagon harness in good condition, and were worth $20.
I saw two horses charged as item No. 3 were taken by Col. Geary in the fall of the year, but I do not remember what year it was. An officer came with some cavalry men and took the horses out of the stable. He said they needed the horses and he was obliged to take them. He did not say anything about paying for them. They led them away. I do not know the officer’s name or rank. It was in the day time. Mr. Crow was present and asked… [a portion of the testimony appears to be absent].
One was a bay mare, four years old, and was worth $300. Mr. Crow had a short time before paid that for her. The other was a Brown horse, about nine years old, and was worth $150. The one was in very fine condition, but the other was not in such good condition.
I saw the soldiers belonging to General Sheridan’s army in the year 1863 [I’m sure he meant 1864] take and kill four large hogs belonging to Mr. Crow. They were taken in front of the house and killed here by the soldiers. There were no officers with them. It was on Sunday in the day time. Mr. Crow did not see them killed, but went as soon as he heard it, and tried to have the killing of his hogs stopped or get pay for them. The hogs would have averaged 200 pounds each net. The soldiers killed the hogs while they were passing along the road.
I was present and saw a large quantity of Tobacco taken from the claimant, in the fall of the year in which Gen. Imboden captured the 9th Maryland Regiment at Charlestown, W.Va. The Tobacco was taken by the 1st New York Cavalry. It was in boxes in his house. He had bought it to sell. It was distributed among the troops. I did not hear anything said about paying for it. Mr. Crow complained about, and Col. Boyd, 1st New York Cav. Said it should be returned. There were sixteen or seventeen boxes of it, but I do not know what amount each box contained.
Further deponent saith not.
Henry Mitchell
Was Henry Mitchell repaying the kindness of his former owner, or was he repaying the kindness he experienced from William Crow’s daughters? Was he obligated under circumstances about which we are unaware, based on what little is available? He could have refused, you know? Or, could he have? Was it simply that he was available, and known as one who could definitely vouch for Crow’s loyalty to the Union? We may never know the answeres regarding the relationship between this former slave and his former owner, but… for what it’s worth… this is what we have.
Notes:
* John M. Coyle filed on behalf of the Crow family, as executor, and therefore, the application is under his name. Incidentally, the claim was approved… the argument for Crow’s loyalty to the Union having been sufficiently made.
* William Crow resided near Harpers Ferry during the war, and Crow’s executor filed from Jefferson County, West Virginia, therefore the file is found in those applications made from Jefferson County.
Bill Newcomer
July 9, 2012
… or is it as simple as Henry Mitchell was a man of integrity who valued truth and justice regardless of what his relationship may or may not have been with his former owner’s family?
But as you said, we may never know. Thank you for an interesting post
Robert Moore
July 10, 2012
Absolutely. Thanks for that addition to the range of possibilities.
Janet
July 10, 2012
This case raises some questions. West Virginia became a Union State in 1863. Jefferson and Berkeley “voted” to join WV in 1863. The taking of the items claimed took place in 1864. Slavery was abolished in WV in Feb. 1865. The controversy over whether Jefferson County was actually in WV was settled in court in 1871. This hearing appears to have taken place in 1872. If this is the case, why did the man have to prove loyalty in order to collect in the first place? Why didn’t the Union soldiers give him an impressment receipt instead? Why were the Yankees even treating Jefferson County as a Confederate state instead of a Union state? Why did the Southern Claims Commission include WV in their program if it was a Union State? Why didn’t the Commission include other border states in that process, by the same reasoning that they included WV?
Robert Moore
July 10, 2012
The matter of Jefferson and Berkeley counties being part of a state of the Union isn’t at play in considering Unionism of individuals; nor is the date of state supported emancipation.
Essentially, Unionist claims were generated from counties in which war was waged. Troops were on the move in these areas… they were high traffic areas and were actively in a state of war… or I should say… in a highly unstable area of the war. States further to the North did not experience this sort of thing, except in rare exceptions (Gettysburg Campaign). With such activity, these areas fell subject to the Union “living-off-the-land thinking”.
Additionally, no matter whether the vote was for Jefferson and Berkeley to be part of the new state (I encourage further reading about why the panhandle states got into that situation… the B&O RR being part of the matter), the sentiments of the citizens of these areas were divided. Just as an example, there are some noteworthy Confederates and Confederate units from both Berkeley and Jefferson counties. Additionally, some of the militia units (consider Capt. Lawson Botts’ company, for example, which was mentioned by David H. Strother as affairs unfolded at the time) from these two counties were instrumental in the taking of the arsenal in of Harpers Ferry, in April 1861. Therefore, the Claims Commission had good reason to seek proof of loyalty from people from this area, just as much as from any other area deeper in the South. Otherwise anyone, whether they felt loyal to the Union or the Confederacy during the war, could submit a claim just because they were a resident of the counties. It could have been easy postwar money.
I see you mention “impressment receipts”. Do you mean receipts for items taken? If so, they did issue these… sometimes… and other times they did not. Union soldiers didn’t always have time to stop and write them out… nor did they always necessarily feel obliged to do so.
Robert Moore
July 10, 2012
Janet,
I want to add… thanks for those questions. They are good, and I think address some that might be in the minds of others when reading this sort of thing.
Robert Moore
July 10, 2012
I should probably add that, considering when citizens of those two counties were actually to vote on the matter of seceding from Virginia… they were initially under Confederate occupation, so the vote was not held. When they were actually able to vote, in 1863, it was while under Union occupation, which brings two things to mind… 1) at the time, a lot of pro-Confederate county residents were elsewhere (such as in the Confederate army), and 2) how many really felt comfortable voting in opposition when under Union occupation?
Also, see here as to how Jefferson & Berkeley County delegates voted in the Virginia Convention of April 1861.
… and here, for the numbers reflected in the referendum on secession.