Here’s wishing everyone a safe and happy Independence Day!
In thinking about the day this year, after a trip to Saratoga, NY last summer, I find it rather interesting to reflect on my Hessian relatives. So, a quick sidetrack from the American Civil War today…
Sure, I have my fair share of ancestors who were in the Continental Line, State militias, etc, and even civilian Patriots who gave a lot (the Moore line of eastern Md. was particularly generous) of tobacco to the cause, but I find the story of the Hessians rather unique in relation to American Independence. After all, these people came over to help suppress the “rebellion” (and no, they weren’t “Godless Hessians”/aka “the boogeymen” as so often portrayed in “Rev War memory,” but were Lutherans with firm attachments to the church). Anyway, my relatives in the Hesse-Hanau regiment came across in 1776, entered Quebec, and soon began the march South. After passage along Lake Champlain and into New York, my Hessian kin were soon POWs at Saratoga (a family story recorded by a grandson of one of my Hessian kin documented the capture taking place “while straggling from camp by American Cavalry”).
Anyone who reads of the accounts of Hessian POWs can appreciate the strange circumstances that they endured. By late in the war, their circumstances were particularly poor. By that time, one of my two direct ancestors had escaped from the Hessian Barracks near Charlottesville and had integrated into the population in the Blue Ridge. The other (Christian Strohl) was in Reading, Pa. in 1782 and apparently finding it more to his advantage, sold himself into the indenture of a Pa. militiaman (who also actually happened to be from Ruppenheim in Hesse-Hanau and had family ties with the Strohl family… curiously unusual, but clearly fortunate for Christian Strohl). Not long after selling himself, he accompanied the family to the central Shenandoah Valley (which, conveniently, was a great place for people of Germannic origin… since so many spoke the language there), did his time, married his “owner’s” daughter, and began raising his own family in the Valley. Clearly, Strohl could offer a very different take on the meaning of American Independence and his new life as part of that history.
Since we are in the midst of “Gettysburg days”… and there is an effort afoot for bloggers to list their top ten Gettysburg books, I figured I’d do a little something different. I’m such a non-conformist… 
Ever since my first visit to Gettysburg, when I was mere lad of 11, I’ve made it a point to return often. In previous years, I only knew it from the vantage point of one looking for traces of his Confederate ancestors and their experience in the battle. In the last ten years however, I’ve come to appreciate it from a different angle, now aware of my Union people who were present in the battle… and my family roots that are actually a part of Gettysburg’s (and Adams County’s) history.
So, let me flip a coin to see which side I present first. Heads for Confederate, tails for Union… and here’s the flip… it’s heads…
By the way, most of the hyperlinks connect to historic markers for the respective units courtesy of The Historical Markers Database.
Confederate:
1) Purcell Artillery – Distant uncles… all from Page County, Virginia… Pvt. Abraham Strole (killed in action on April 2, 1865) and Pvt. James Gideon Nauman. Nauman was wounded in the foot and lost a toe at Chancellorsville, but was present at Gettysburg and wounded in the shoulder. He was left behind by the Confederate army, nursed back to health by a Pennsylvania family, and subsequently deserted from the Confederate army (by 1/25/1864).
2) 7th Virginia Cavalry (Company D, aka the “Massanutten Rangers”… all from Page County) of “Grumble” Jones’ Brigade – bummer that it isn’t on the main battlefield, but a few miles to the west near Fairfield (not exactly one of the 7th’s best days, by the way). Two of my three direct ancestors (great-great grandfathers) with this unit were here… Pvt. James Harvey Mayes and Pvt. Henry K. Emerson. Then again, I’m not too terribly certain that Mayes was present, his horse being shot from under him at Upperville, Va. on June 21, 1863. Distant uncles… (all privates) Reuben Franklin Koontz, Jacob F. Hilliard, Thaddeus Wellington Mayes, John N. Offenbacker were on the muster rolls covering the timeframe of Gettysburg, so I’m guessing they may have been present.
3) 10th Virginia Infantry (Company K, the “Page Volunteers” from Page County) – Steuart’s Brigade at Culp’s Hill… One distant uncle didn’t quite make it here… Henry Philip Good was killed near Hazel Grove at Chancellorsville. I have a number of cousins who were with the 10th.
4) 33rd Virginia Infantry (Company H, the “Page Grays” of Page County) – Walker’s Brigade at Culp’s Hill… Distant uncles Capt. Michael Shuler, Pvt. Ambrose C. Huffman, Pvt. Joel Knight, Pvt. James Joseph Emerson (Emerson was a member of Company E… the Emerald Grays, a company primarily from Shenandoah County).
5) 35th Bttn. Va. Cavalry (Company E from Page & Shenandoah counties) of Jones’ Brigade – certainly, many who look at the monument to the 26th Pennsylvania Emergency Regiment (also see this marker) don’t fully grasp the irony behind this monument and the story of their skedaddle in the face of the 35th Battalion. However, my kin (third great grandfather Joseph Richards and his brother Howard) with the 35th didn’t join until 1865… and then, I also think they were conscripts. Company E of the 35th being mostly from my home county, the unit and it’s experiences still hold my interest.
6) 2nd Maryland Infantry (Company B) – Culp’s Hill. Pvt. Warren Francis Moore (2nd cousin, 4 times removed) was killed here. W.F. Moore was from my eastern Md. Moore kin… those that opted for the Confederacy, while my more direct western Maryland Moore kin sided with the Union (see James Draper Moore, a second cousin to Warren Moore, listed below with Cole’s Maryland Cavalry, USA). It’s interesting that I purchased Don Troiani’s “Band of Brothers” print a number of years before I learned about cousin Warren Moore… the print means a little more now.
7) 62nd Virginia Infantry – well, I’m not so much interested in the 62nd Virginia in the battle. In truth, two of my people (both of them direct ancestors) didn’t link up to the 62nd until May 1864… and I feel almost certain that they were conscripts. Nonetheless, one (Siram W. Offenbacker… a g-g-grandfather) of the two men did make a trek with the Rosser-Gibbon Camp, U.C.V. to Gettysburg in 1913 (this is a NPS link) to participate in the huge reunion there.
8 ) 14th Va. Cav. (Company I) of Jenkins’ Brigade – distant uncle, Pvt. John H. Roudabush (of Churchville, Augusta County, Va.). The “Gettysburg trip” wasn’t “Uncle John’s” only trip into Pennsylvania. It appears he may have also been present during the “Chambersburg trip” (and burning) a year later. I have to appreciate a little irony here as well since the Roudabush family lived in York and in Adams County in the 1700s, prior to relocating to a little place in Rockingham County, Virginia known as “Cross Keys”… you know, the site of the battle in June 1862…
9) … and then there are the really distant kin… 3rd cousin, 5 times removed… Gen. Ambrose Powell Hill; 3rd cousin, 6 times removed… Gen. Robert E. Lee; and 3rd cousin, 7 times removed… Gen. George E. Pickett…
Union: Not quite as many kin in blue, but still an interesting bunch…
1) Cole’s 1st Maryland Volunteer Cavalry (1st Potomac Home Brigade) – (there isn’t actually a monument to Cole’s regiment at Gettysburg, but the above link is to an image of the Gettysburg GAR monument that focuses on the Gettysburg men in Cole’s Cavalry)… Third great granduncle Pvt. Joseph Lake McKinney and 1st cousin, 4 times removed Pvt. James Draper Moore (J.D. Moore was a 2nd cousin to the Warren Moore listed above with the 2nd Md. Infantry, CSA. To my understanding, Henry Cole’s men served during the campaign mostly as couriers and scouts.
2) 11th Pa. Cavalry, Company D… Pvt. Andrew Jackson Foltz (a Virginian… from Page County, Virginia). Second cousin, 5 times removed. As in the case of Siram W. Offenbacker, Foltz didn’t don a uniform until 1864… and unlike Offenbacker, he wasn’t conscripted, but evaded conscription and joined the Union army. The connection with Gettysburg isn’t through the battle or the 1913 reunion, but he was at the 1938 reunion (75th anniversary).
3) 3rd Pennsylvania Cavalry, Company D… Captain David McKinney Gilmore, (by the way, this isn’t a link to HMDB… Hey Craig, can you give me the link? Thanks!), 2nd cousin, 5 times removed…
4) 1st Pa. Reserves/30th Pa. Infantry… Col. William Warren Stewart (later brevet brigadier general) & his brother David McKinney Stewart, 2nd cousins, 5 times removed. Of William Warren Stewart… “At Gettysburg, Stewart with his command came on the battle-ground early in the morning of the second day, having marched thirty-five miles the day previous. The command occupied Little Round Top, and charged with their brigade, which recovered the ground lost by the First and Second Divisions of the Fifth Army Corps. He had charge of the skirmishers that afternoon and night, and continued to do duty until the charge of his brigade on the third day, which was personally ordered by Gen. Meade. In the charge, some eighty or ninety prisoners were captured, two battle-flags and from 2,200 to 3,500 stand of muskets. The brigade lay on the field that night, making forty-two hours they had been without rest.” By the way, if I were to make a list of my top ten favorite books on the Battle of Gettysburg, I’d be sure to include History of Company K, 1st (Inft.) Penn’a Reserves by H.N. Minnigh. While not completely dedicated to the Battle of Gettysburg, the book focuses on Company K which was originally from Gettysburg. Some great stories about the fellas returning home and fighting on familiar turf.
5) 14th US Inf., Lt. Col. George Keyports Brady (he attained that rank sometime after Gettysburg), (hyperlink from “Stone Sentinels”), 3rd cousin, 5 times removed.
6) Battery G, 4th US Artillery (aka Lt. Bayard Wilkeson’s Battery), Sgt. Chauncey Thomas Quintard – while Quintard isn’t a blood relative, he was married (in 1911) to my third great grand aunt, Josephine Delaplane Moore. He seems a bit young to have made it to Gettysburg, but he may have been there… just need a chance to see his service record. Quintard was a New York policeman in years after the war. In 1922, he was Adjutant of Lloyd Aspinwell Post 600, G.A.R., New York City.
So there you have it… these were “my people” (blue and gray/gray and blue) at Gettysburg in July 1863… and in 1913 & 1938.
Hey, but speaking of top ten books list, I don’t think I’ve seen anyone list The Colors of Courage: Gettysburg’s Forgotten History (Margaret S. Creighton). Definately a good read! In fact, I’ve been reading parts of it since yesterday.
Reading a comment in another blog today, I can’t help but lay-out the facts surrounding Virginia’s seizing of the Harpers Ferry Arsenal in April 1861. The question is, was it really a “legal” action from the perspective of the (then) Virginia government?
The fact of the matter is that the plans to seize the US Arsenal in Harpers Ferry in 1861 were not plans made by the greater body of elected secession convention delegates, but were made by a handful of Virginians… John D. Imboden, the brothers Ashby (Richard and Turner), & Oliver R. Funsten, to name a few, with former Virginia Gov. Henry Wise right at the heart of the matter. In fact, Wise and this group appealed to Gov. John Letcher for an endorsement. Letcher did not endorse the seizing of Harpers Ferry (and Gosport Navy Yard) but he did give the nod to make plans… but not to act until after the Virginia Convention had passed the ordinance of secession. It seems likely that Letcher was not as hasty because he was still more interested in strides toward peace (keep in mind that there was a Virginia Peace Commission).
Yet, Wise’s group, not wanting to lose the element of surprise, moved beyond the planning phase and started telegraphing militia units and telling them to prepare for action. Wise, et al. were not willing to wait for the secession vote and began moving well outside their authority.
A mere two days after Wise discussed the plan with Imboden and the morning after asking Letcher for the endorsement… at the convention on April 17, Wise put on quite a show. After drawing a horse pistol from his bosom and laying it on the table in front of him, he (according to a delegate present) “proceeded to harangue the body in the most violent and denunciatory manner. He concluded by taking his watch from his pocket and, with glaring eyes and bated breath, declared that events were now transpiring that caused a hush to come over his soul.” More or less, the cat was out of the bag. Wise’s efforts had far exceeded his authority. It was a military action that had moved well beyond the point of planning and preparation, and still without the support of the Commander-in-Chief of Virginia’s forces (Letcher), and thus clearly beyond anything that could be considered a legally endorsed action.
Many in the delegation were furious, including John Baldwin of Staunton. Baldwin was “aghast” when Wise announced that many of the “the patriotic volunteer revolutionists” were Baldwin’s own constituents, many of them his own “neighbors and friends.” On the other hand, delegate George Baylor rushed to Wise, openly sobbing and stated, “I don’t agree with you, I don’t approve of your acts, but I love you, I love you!” Wise openly accepted full responsibility and then turned the blame back on the convention, stating that his actions were moving forward to “aid the people who had waited on the convention too long in vain, in seizing arms for their own defense.” It was in this “emotionally charged atmosphere” (wrote Imboden’s biographer) that the convention began to take action, beginning with the passage of an ordinance to repeal the ratification of the Constitution of the United States by the Commonwealth of Virginia. Nonetheless, this was an ordinance and it was to be ratified by the people of Virginia. The referendum would not be put to the people until the latter part of May…
I often wonder that if by virtue of the fact that Virginia troops had been plunged into the affair, how it impacted the vote on the ordinance of secession in Virginia. I wonder if they were thinking, “how can I show hesitation at the very moment in which (at least they were under that impression because of what Wise stated) Virginia forces were moving against U.S. installations and might even be engaged.” Again, Virginia’s referendum for secession did not come until May 23… well over a month after the seizing of Harper’s Ferry.
Yet, let’s move beyond Virginia. As I have mentioned before, secession in the Southern states was not a clear-cut matter of peoples’ choice throughout the South, nor did it represent something akin to democratic process and representation of the people. Virginia was one of the few states to have a referendum, and even with that, there is a trail of evidence reflecting coercion in the vote in several counties (Elder John Kline of Rockingham County is but one example… what happened to him when the referendum was put to the people?)… so any suggestion that the referendum was part of the democratic process is either ignoring the facts or reflectant of an unawareness of evidence to the contrary.
Nonetheless, to say that secessionists leaders as elected officials “ostensbly represented the views of their citizens” reflects a misunderstanding & misrepresentation of the sentiments of the Southern people (and circumstances surrounding the entire situation) as the bells tolled the secession of each Southern state. In fact, secession, in various areas of the deep South (more often a matter of class issues than in the upper South) as well as the upper South, was not so eagerly supported, nor offered-up to the people (in the lower South) for ratification… and frankly, the words of some pro-secessionists officials reflected that several ”higher officials” really didn’t care what the common folk had to think about it. My favorite quote with respect to this issue comes from a South Carolinian, A.P. Aldrich who, in response to the common folk being against secession, remarked “…whoever waited for the common people when a great move was to be made? – We must make the move and force them to follow?” [emphasis mine].
Indeed, a wonderful lead-in to things to come… especially when we think of the three Confederate conscription acts passed by the “higher-ups” to help ensure (though the level of success of the conscription acts can certainly be questioned) support for a war that they could not wage without the forced support of the common people. Incidentally, “forced support” came in various forms, not just at the hands of conscription patrols… but that’s another post unto itself.
Garnett Nicholson is one of my third great grandfathers. He was a private in Company B (Capt. Jason C. Crigler’s Company), Eighty-second Virginia Militia. The Eighty-second was primarily from Madison County and was under the command of Col. James W. Twyman. As with most of Virginia’s militia regiments, the Eighty-second was called into active service with the state (until regular regiments could be raised for service with the Confederate army) in the summer of 1861… the Eighty-second received its call on July 13, 1861. Four companies, A to D, reported to General P.G.T. Beauregard at Manassas, and were in service from July 17 to August 13, 1861, when the regiment was disbanded. Thus, with the disbandment on August 13, the record of Garnett Nicholson with this regiment ends. He was about 35 years of age at the time.
Now, my question is, how many people look at similar service records of members of the militia and pronounce that said people were quick to respond to the call of the Confederacy, or because they were ready to defend their state, and so on and so on? If so, don’t be so hasty…
Garnett Nicholson was a member of the larger Nicholson family (a family that had been in Virginia from… at the very least… the early 1700s) that inhabited (primarily) Nicholson Hollow in Madison County… and area tucked deep in the bosom of the east face of the Blue Ridge. If you’ve heard about the Nicholson family encountered by Pollock in his efforts to make this particular part of the Blue Ridge a National Park, then you know the same family from whence my third great grandfather came. They were rather isolationist in nature, yet were not nearly as backwards as Pollock portrayed them. I have the good fortune to have some wonderful poetry, ciphering tables, and so on… Yet, I digress from their part in the Civil War.
As I said, the Nicholson family was rather isolationist. I sort of get this picture of Jimmy Stewart’s family in the movie Shenandoah when I think about them. Granted, Garnett was a member of the militia when the war began, but keep in mind, Virginia’s militia units were created prior to the war, and prior to Virginia’s steps to even form a secession convention. They were not “volunteers” for the Confederacy. I’ll mention more about this in a little bit.
First, however, I want to take a look at the larger family… the family that Garnett was closest to. He had brothers, but none of them show up on any muster rolls, gray or blue. His wife, Martha “Patsey”, was actually a cousin of his… and it’s not surprising considering the isolation of the greater Nicholson family. Two of Patsey’s brothers do show up on Confederate muster rolls. Joseph served in Co. F, Thirty-eighth Virginia Infantry and Vancouver served in Co. G, Twelfth Virginia Cavalry.
I don’t have Joseph’s records handy, but I do recall that he was a late war (1864) conscript and was captured at the Battle of Five Forks. Vancouver (sometimes written as “Vancouvir”) was also a conscript, was sent to Camp Lee in June 1864 and was assigned to the Twelfth Va. Cav., but that’s as far as his service record goes. So, Garnett Nicholson’s brothers-in-law were conscripts… not volunteers. Does this say something about why Garnett, being age-eligible for service under the second and third conscription acts, doesn’t reappear on any Confederate rosters? Maybe. But, there is an added bonus… there was a third brother-in-law… Chrisley or Christian Nicholson who vowed that if the Confederate conscript hunters kept trying to drag him into the army, he’d join the Union army (and, in fact he eventually did so, probably more out of a need to survive than anything). Perhaps not a Southern Unionist from the start, but more than likely a Southern Unionist later because the annoyance of the Confederate conscript hunters… perhaps he might be better defined as a “Southern survivalist.”
What’s even more interesting about this is that both Joseph and Vancouver applied for Virginia Confederate veteran pensions… and received them! Good “ol’ Confederates?” Again, there is often more to things than meet the eye. I’ve not done a careful analysis on their pensions, but have another direct ancestor who may have done exactly what they did (and what others may have done)… I’ll write about him in another post. We already know the Nicholson brothers were conscripts, and from the look of things (especially considering Chrisley’s story), they may not have gone so willingly with the conscript hunters. Yet, their service records were clean. One was captured and the other’s record just ends upon his assignment with the Twelfth Va. Cav. So, they clearly served under “honorable” conditions, but that shouldn’t automatically suggest that they were passionate for the Confederacy, that they were in the ranks because they were determined to fight against “Lincoln’s usurpation of the Constitution,” or that they were fighting to protect hearth and home (and perhaps I should add… we also don’t know with any certainty whatsoever that they would actually agree with a Confederate flag over their graves or approve of a Confederate headstone at their graves, giving any suggestion that they felt strongly for “the Cause.”) . Frankly, I think many Southerners felt that they could protect home just fine (thank you very much) by staying at home!
So, what about this thing that I’ve brought up with the militia units? Well, I’ve taken some time to look at one militia regiment and, while I realize that the story might vary from regiment to regiment, I think there is something worth taking from what I have discovered and I think some of it might even apply to the service of Garnett Nicholson with the Eighty-second Virginia Militia. As I’ve already mentioned, if he was so passionate about the “Cause” at the war’s opening, the absence of records after that time might suggest something quite to the contrary (by the way, he didn’t die until 1904. So he survived the war and then some).
The focus of my militia studies (which was part of my thesis from 2007) was on the Ninety-seventh Virginia Militia, from the central Shenandoah Valley. Most of the companies were from Page County – my home county – thus my interest in examining this unit in particular.
In all, 550 men filled the ranks of five companies of the local Ninety-seventh Virginia Militia, making up sixty-three percent of those from Page County enrolled in the Confederate service by July 1861. A number of recollections reveal that many of those who were enrolled after July 13, 1861 were drafted into the service nine months before the Confederate Congress passed the first Conscription Act in April 1862. William S. Yates was one of those who recalled, years after the war, having been “drafted in September 1861.” Despite being a conscript, Yates was still listed on duty as of December 31, 1861; the exceptional nature of his record being that only a third of the men in the Ninety-seventh Virginia Militia could boast of such a record of uninterrupted service, and many of them were either commissioned or noncommissioned officers.
Another Page County militiaman, Henry “Hiram” Meadows, was, according to his military pension as a Union soldier, drafted into the Ninety-seventh Militia shortly before the First Battle of Manassas. His older brother, William T. Meadows, had been drafted into the same regiment just weeks before. Their reluctance to serve in Confederate military in any capacity is evident in their records, for, within three months, both brothers were listed as absent without leave and were still absent when the last complete muster roll was filled out for the regiment on December 31, 1861. It is unclear if other family members went with him, but Henry left Page County sometime in late 1861 or early 1862 and headed for Pennsylvania to avoid further service.
Evidence of involuntary service with the militia can also be found in a number of Southern Loyalist Claims. In fact, a few men who were involuntarily enrolled in the militia came under scrutiny when they submitted their applications. Morgan Price had been enrolled with the Ninety-seventh Virginia Militia on July 5, 1861, but by November 9, he was listed as absent without leave. When Federal troops occupied Luray in July 1862, he was taken to Front Royal where he “insisted on taking the oath of allegiance.” After Union General Franz Sigel’s command left Luray, some of his soldiers were left behind sick or were stragglers. Price took many of these into his home, fed them and “piloted them through the mountains” through Confederate lines and to safety. Nevertheless, partly because of his service in the Ninety-seventh, Price’s application was disallowed.
Claimant Martin Ellis’s son John was drafted into the militia on July 5, 1861, and bore the rank of second corporal. Nevertheless, Martin Ellis was able to get his son home for a while before Confederate conscript details came and took him away again. When Martin Ellis was able to get him away from the militia a second time, he “kept him hid until the war broke.” Ellis commented that his other son was in a “detail shop to keep out of the army.” Ellis not only worked to keep his sons at home, but was ready to provide safe haven for whoever else deserted from the army. James H. Miller gave testimony in support of Ellis’ claim and was one of those who volunteered for the Confederate army when the Page Grays of Company H, Thirty-third Virginia Infantry (Stonewall Brigade) were being organized on June 1, 1861. Having changed his mind about serving the Confederacy, Miller deserted on March 14, 1862 while near Winchester. Recognizing Ellis as a Union man, Miller “went to him for protection and assistance and he kept me at his home concealed at different times; during a term of twelve months I stayed with him all about three weeks total.” After tiring of evading the conscript hunters, Miller left the county in 1863 and went west and eventually, as veterans of the Page Grays recalled, “went across lines.”
One of the most striking accounts of a militiaman turned “reluctant volunteer” was that of James Robert Modesitt. A lieutenant with the Ninety-seventh Virginia Militia, Modesitt left a record of his reluctance in the form of a number of letters to his wife. Modesitt, though a militia officer, served only briefly in that capacity before being assigned to duty as a lead teamster. He remained in that role until the spring of 1863 and enlisted in Company D of the Seventh Virginia Cavalry on May 24, 1863. In the letters to his wife, Modesitt mentions nothing of glory or anything that would allude to any feelings of patriotism for the Confederate cause. Rather, he takes a more conservative, if not cautious, outlook on his participation in the war, leaving the impression that he remained on duty as a teamster more as matter-of-fact circumstance than as a duty. While he mentions an interest in enlisting in the Seventh Virginia, he expresses an even stronger desire in remaining out of the war altogether. On two occasions he made statements that he would gladly pay his way out of service if he had the opportunity. Following the 1862 Maryland Campaign, Modesitt began to show concern about the Confederacy drafting all “able-bodied men” from the teamsters and putting them into regiments. He wrote to his wife that he would “give all that the Confederacy is due me of which is nearly $800, if that would clear me from the war.” Four months later, he commented that he would be glad to pay $1,000 “to get out for good, but the way things are working there is danger of losing my money and then I have to come back myself.” In both instances, Modesitt warned his wife not to share with anyone what he had said.
Modesitt’s interest in enlisting in the Seventh Virginia Cavalry was likely more out of self-preservation, considering the low casualty rate of the regiment in comparison with infantry units formed from the same region. Likewise, Modesitt probably hoped that, as the regiment had spent much of 1862 operating in the county, would remain in the area, giving him an opportunity to be closer to his wife and family. He knew that he was age-eligible under the conscription laws and, if he did not volunteer for the branch and unit of his preference, he would likely be conscripted into another branch or unit in which he knew nobody and had no interest in serving. Despite his hopes, after enlisting in the regiment, it spent more time on the eastern side of the Blue Ridge. Within five months of having enlisted, Modesitt was killed in action at Brandy Station, Virginia on October 11, 1863, one of only a few who were killed in the company. If Modesitt’s military record were taken at face value, without the benefit of seeing the letters to his wife, many new-era Confederate remembrance folks might too quick to label Modesitt as a “patriotic Confederate” who made the ultimate sacrifice defending his “Southern rights.” In truth, however, Modesitt was a reluctant rebel, seeking nothing more but the best way to survive the war and see to the welfare of his family.
As further indication of the absence of loyalty and lack of interest in the Confederate cause among the county’s militiamen, following disbandment of the militia a large number men did anything they could remain out of active service with the regular Confederate army. Likewise, despite the order issued by Confederate General “Stonewall” Jackson, calling upon all disbanded militiamen to enlist in regular army units, less than seventeen percent of the nearly 550 Page County militiamen actually answered Jackson’s call.
In April 1862, just three months after the Ninety-seventh Virginia was disbanded, the first Confederate Conscript Act was passed, and with it came an entirely new threat to those reluctant to go to war. In addition to intimidation and violence at the hands of local secessionists, those who had not bought into the Confederate cause now had to be concerned with Confederate conscript patrols. Not only did conscription hunters look for deserters from the Confederate army, but they also actively sought out those eligible for the Confederate service. The conscript hunters soon became a recognized enemy to many in Page County.
It leaves me to wonder if something similar was experienced by Garnett Nicholson, in neighboring Madison County, just across the Blue Ridge.
This is the story of one of my Confederate ancestors… although, I get the impression (from what I know so far) that he might not appreciate “honors” for his service as a “Confederate.” A Virginian and a Southerner? No doubt.
Another Confederate ancestor analysis will follow in the days to come…
I’ve been thinking about this for quite sometime…
As Southerners pursuing a better and more complete understanding of our Southern heritage AND accepting the fact that the legacy of the Lost Cause left us with a rather narrow glimpse at the realities that surrounded Civil War era Southerners, what sort of organization might best encompass the full breadth of understanding without all of the symbology and what-not? In what ways can we, as Southerners, both appreciate our ties to our ancestors who were Confederate soldiers, appreciate the fact that the Confederacy did not define the diversity of the Southern populace at the time of the Civil War, and even embrace the fact that many of our Civil War era Southern ancestors didn’t get an all around ”warm and fuzzy” about the Confederacy? How can one organization embrace Southern heritage that is inclusive of ancestors who were Confederate soldiers, dissenting Southerners, Southern Unionists (civilians), Southern Union soldiers, the generally indifferent, slaves, free blacks, disaffected Confederates, and disillusioned Confederates?
I’m willing to entertain suggestions, but to make a suggestion (and be among the approved comments) to what might be the preamble of this more enlightened order of Southerners, by making a comment, you readily acknowledge that the Confederacy did/does not define the Civil War era South and you signify that you are able to appreciate the differences of a culture of diverse sentiments that has been so incredibly misrepresented over the years, often because of a rather heavy-handed Lost Cause mythology. The floor is open…
That’s right, much to see and much to write about. Hope to have my first post about experiences down this way soon!
“Knowing” what our Civil War ancestors fought for, and the ways that “knowledge” is expressed
It’s rare, but certainly not impossible… there are times when the sentiments of a Civil War ancestor are clearly expressed in letters, diaries, and other wartime documents. For the most part, however, I’d argue that we rarely know the reasons for which our Confederate ancestors were serving. That’s why I find it rather bold of someone when they say, for example, that their Confederate ancestor was fighting because of “Lincoln’s usurpation of the Constitution,” and so on… all of this based on nothing more than a service record (sometimes with fewer than five pages in the file). What evidence exists? How much of what one knows and expresses is fact-based and how much is opinion-based? Just because a person has the names and service records of some ancestors that served in gray does not necessarily mean that they enlisted for the things that “top-down analysis” of the Confederacy might suggest or even that they were ready to risk all to defend the Confederate “Cause.” How far were they really willing to go for “Cause?”
There are other factors that need to be considered, other evidence that might significantly water-down the stories… stories that might be more reflective of the zeal (for the “Cause”) of the persons telling the stories than the actual “zeal” of the Confederate soldiers “remembered.” Take another look… what is revealed in the service record that is not being identified? Consider, for example, the date of enlistment… does it fall before or after the three conscription acts? Does it happen to occur immediately prior to the enforcement of one of the three conscription acts? What about other members of the family or the immediate community? Ultimately, there is much to consider and these are but a few examples.
In upcoming posts (more than likely beginning in about a week or so), I’ll begin giving examples of what I’m writing about here, and in many cases I will cite examples of my own ancestors in gray.
What you see here is a close-up (taken today) of my Montmorency tree. I’m about two weeks from picking the cherries and then making pie filling and freezing the jars. I actually have an interesting story about cherries and my family in the Civil War, and I’ll have to share that a little later. It involved a brief shoot-out between two soldiers who ultimately ended up sharing a canteen of my g-g-g-gandfather’s “cherry bounce;” the Union trooper had actually filled his canteen with it prior to the shoot-out. If you’ve never heard of “bounce,” well, rest assured, it can be sweet and, consumed in large amounts… well, let’s say it can make you rather happy. Though I haven’t quite figured out exactlyt how my ggg grandfather Shuler made it, I’ve made it a time or two with what may have been the key ingredients (though I don’t use Montmorency cherries… too tart for the drink!).
Anyway, this is yet another way of my connecting with history… but one cherry tree isn’t the end of the story. Actually, I have several antique trees in my orchard (which is only 9 years old). I selected varieties that were similar or the same that were in my great grandparent’s orchard; a place where I used to climb many a tree when I was young… and seeing the slightest tinge of red in an apple, thought it was fine to eat… big mistake… but that didn’t always keep me from trying. My heart broke a few years back when I lost my Hewes Crabapple (also known as a Virginia Crabapple… and Jefferson’s favorite cider apple) because of a hard storm. By far, they make a fine cooking apple and an excellent ingredient for my apple pie jellies. I also have a few berry squares, though I need to plant a new raspberry square.
Just thought I’d share another way in which I connect with history… I rather like the “tastes” of history.
Noting today’s post on Kevin’s blog about the recently raised Confederate flag (yes, another huge one) in Tennessee and a few comments made by H.K. Edgerton. I thought I’d bring up a point that appears to have been totally and completely ignored in Edgerton’s comment. He said… “This is a southern flag. You can’t attack this flag and call yourself a southerner. You can call yourself a traitor.”
Really?! That’s such a brash statement… and reflective of ignorance of the history of the people of the American South, even those Southerners who were alive during the American Civil War. Southerners, black and white, took issue with that flag, even during the American Civil War, and… here’s a news flash… they were still culturally Southerners, before, during, and after the war. Not only that, but many Southerners were well aware of the fact that the flag represented the continuance of slavery (and yes, this fact was even frowned upon by many Southerners at the time), even though the Union did not initially go to war to free slaves. Three years before he was murdered by Confederate irregulars, and before the war opened, Elder John Kline, a Southerner, wrote:
TUESDAY, January 1, 1861. The year opens with dark and lowering clouds in our national horizon. I feel a deep interest in the peace and prosperity of our country; but in my view both are sorely threatened now. Secession is the cry further south; and I greatly fear its poisonous breath is being wafted northward towards Virginia on the wings of fanatical discontent. A move is clearly on hand for holding a convention at Richmond, Virginia; and while its advocates publicly deny the charge, I, for one, feel sure that it signals the separation of our beloved old State from the family in which she has long lived and been happy. The perishable things of earth distress me not, only in so far as they affect the imperishable. Secession means war; and war means tears and ashes and blood. It means bonds and imprisonments, and perhaps even death to many in our beloved Brotherhood, who, I have the confidence to believe, will die, rather than disobey God by taking up arms.
The Lord, by the mouth of Moses, says: “Be sure your sin will find you out.” It may be that the sin of holding three millions of human beings under the galling yoke of involuntary servitude has, like the bondage of Israel in Egypt, sent a cry to heaven for vengeance; a cry that has now reached the ear of God. I bow my head in prayer. All is dark save when I turn my eyes to him. He assures me in his Word that “all things work together for good to them that love him.” This is my ground of hope for my beloved brethren and their wives and their children. He alone can provide for their safety and support. I believe he will do it.
Being knowledgeable of one’s own heritage, and especially the larger heritage of a people (e.g., Southerners), is bigger than picking and choosing only the parts of history that work to sustain a rather narrow-minded argument.
